Finding Happiness

Does happiness favor those of a particular age, sex, or income level? Does happiness come with satisfying close relationships? What attitudes, activities, and priorities engender a sense of well-being?

Although the scientific pursuit of happiness has recently mushroomed, speculations about happiness are age-old. Ancient philosophers believed that happiness accompanied a life of intelligent reflection. "There is no fool who is happy, and no wise man who is not," said the Roman philosopher Cicero. In later centuries, some sages have suggested that happiness comes from living a virtuous life, and others, from indulging pleasures; some that it comes from knowing the truth, and others, from preserving illusions; some that it comes from restraint, and others, from getting rid of rage and misery. The list goes on, but the implication is clear: To discover the truth about happiness, we must ask how these competing ideas relate to reality. In short, we must study happiness scientifically.

Social scientists have exploded some myths about who's happy and who's not by identifying predictors of happiness and life satisfaction.

Many people believe there are unhappy times of life—typically the stress—filled teen years, the "mid-life crisis" years, or the declining years' of old age. But interviews with people of all ages reveal that no time of life is notably happier or unhappier. Emotions do change with age: Satisfaction with social relations and health becomes more important in later life. And teens, unlike adults, typically rebound from either gloom or joy within an hour's time. Yet knowing someone's age gives no clue to the person's lasting sense of well-being. Moreover, rates of depression, suicide, and divorce show no increase during the mythical "mid-life crisis" years.

Does happiness have a favorite sex? Are men happier because of their greater incomes and social power? Are women happier because of their supposedly greater capacity for intimacy and social connection? Like age, gender gives, no clue to subjective well-being. There are gender gaps in misery: When troubled, men more often become alcoholic, while women more often think deeply and get depressed or anxious. Yet men and women are equally likely to declare themselves "very happy" and "satisfied" with life. This conclusion is grounded in scores of studies around the world.

Living standards have soared during the twentieth century and are expected to continue rising in the decades ahead. Does that mean that we humans can look forward to increasing happiness? Not necessarily. Steady improvements in the economy are not accompanied by a steady increase in people's assessments of their own happiness. It seems that people become less satisfied over time with a given-level of income.

In study after study, four traits are typical of happy people. First, happy people, especially in individualistic Western cultures, like themselves. On self-esteem tests, they agree with statements such as "I'm a lot of fun to be with" and "I have good ideas". As we might expect of people who are usually happy, they report that they have positive self-esteem. Indeed, they usually have good opinions of themselves: They believe themselves to be more ethical, more intelligent, less prejudiced, better able to get along with others, and healthier than the average person.

Second, happy people typically feel personal control. Feeling empowered rather than helpless, they Mao do better in school, achieve more at work, and cope better with stress. Deprived of control over one's life—a phenomenon studied in prisoners, nursing-home patients, etc.—people suffer lower morale and worse health. Severe poverty is depressing if it destroys people's sense of control over their life.

Third, happy people are usually optimistic. One could reason that pessimists, whose low expectations are so often exceeded, would constantly be surprised by joy. "Blessed is he who expects nothing, for he shall never be disappointed," wrote poet Alexander Pope in a 1727 letter. Nevertheless, positive-thinking optimists—those who agree, for example, that "when I undertake something new, I expect to succeed"—tend to be more successful, healthier, and happier.

Fourth, happy people tend to be extroverted. Although we might have expected that introvert, might live more happily in the serenity of their less-stressed contemplative lives, extroverts are happier—whether living and working alone or with others and whether living in rural or metropolitan areas.

With each of these trait-happiness correlations, the causal arrows are uncertain. For example, does happiness make people more outgoing? Or are outgoing people more enthusiastic and less anxious about reaching out to others? Such tendencies may explain their marrying sooner, getting better jobs, and making more friends. If these traits indeed produce happiness, people might become happier by acting as if they had the desired traits. In experiments, people who act as if they had high self-esteem begin feeling better about themselves, and people who are urged to smile feel happier.

Yet happiness seems changeable only within limits imposed by our genetic makeup.' From their study of 254 identical and fraternal twins, psychologists David Lykken and Auke Tellegen estimate that 50 % of the difference among people's happiness ratings is inherited. Even identical twins raised apart often are similarly happy. Depending on our outlooks and recent experiences, our happiness fluctuates around our happiness set point, which disposes some people to be ever cheerful and others gloomy.

Close relationships also mark happy lives. One could easily imagine why the stress of close relationships might further increase illness and misery. "Hell is other people," stated Jean-Paul Sartre. Thankfully, however, the benefits of close relationships with friends and family usually outweigh the strains. Compared with people lacking such relationships, those who can name several intimate friends are healthier, less likely to die prematurely, and happier. Psychologist William Pavot has found that people report happier feelings when with ethers,.

For more than nine in ten people, the most significant alternative to aloneness is marriage. Although broken marital relationships are a source of much misery, a supportive, intimate, committed relationship is among life's greatest satisfactions. To quote Henry Ward Beecher, "Well-married a person is winged; ill-matched, shackled." Fortunately, national surveys reveal that three in four married Americans say their spouse is their best friend, and four out of five say they would marry the same person again. Such feelings help explain why, during the 1970s and 1980s, more married adults said they were "very happy" than did those who never married (39 % versus 24 %).

Is marriage, as is so often supposed, more strongly associated with men's happiness than women's? In both European and North American national surveys, the happiness gap between the married and never-married is similar for women and men. The results of nearly a hundred such studies confirm this: Although a bad marriage may be more depressing to a woman than to a man, the myth that single women report greater happiness than married women can be ignored.

So, knowing people's age, sex, and income (assuming they have enough to afford life's necessities) hardly tells us if they are happy. William Cowper's 1782 hunch has proven right: "Happiness depends, as Nature shows, less on exterior things than most suppose." Better clues come from knowing what traits a person has and whether the person enjoys a supportive network of close relationships.